Friday, September 15, 2017

Teaching Thursday: Graphic Novel Migration Architecture

The first week of my Migration Architecture class is over. With the anxieties of a new class and a new group of students waning, I am ready to talk about it. The class has three objectives, to introduce students to spatial analysis as a discursive tool, to explore the inherent tension between migration and architecture, and to compare the American melting pot of the 1920s to migration today. The ingredients are part GIS, part graphic novel, part civic-engagement, and part forensic archaeology. Yes, a crazy combination that tries desperately to throw the students into hands-on spatial representing and analyzing their own constructions. Yes, I’m terrified of what might happen if the students don’t follow the tutorials on georectification or geocoding. Teaching software to undergraduates, I have come to believe, is equivalent to teaching them how to write or draw. But I don't quite know how to do it right yet.

The first GIS exercise of the course begins next week. The students will take over data generated by my 2016 Summer Hackman scholars, Lizzy Wood and Cassie Garrison. We will take 16 blocks of ethnic Philadelphia, map all the buildings and link them with their occupants listed on the contemporary census. Rather than giving the students a handful of terrific books and articles on Philadelphia’s ethnic melting pot, I have assigned them a graphic novel, the re-issue of Will Eisner’s A Contract with God, which takes place in Bronx tenement in 1930. I have never taught the graphic novel, but I have participated in readings and seminars of a graphic novel course that my colleague Kerry Sherry Wright teaches at F&M’s English Department. The second graphic novel that my student will read is Joe Sacco’s Notes from Gaza, which dramatizes Sacco’s investigation on the events of Rafa and Khan Yunis refugee camp in Palestine. The Arab Comic exhibition that just opened at the Phillips Museum adds another point of reference for the students.   

Today, we discussed the three stories of Eisner’s Contract with God. We asked a simple question. What is the architectural dimensions in the book’s narrative. Visually represented in a graphic novel, those spaces are not just implied but a parallel narrative to the words. We talked about the history of tenements from the double tenement of the 1830s, the railroad tenement of the 1850s, and the dumbbell tenement of the 1879 legislation. Through Eisner’s illustrations, we could reconstruct the entire architecture, from the stoop to the superintendent’s basement apartment. In the initial discussion of the books, the students were a little dumbfounded by my questions. Professor, what do you mean by the architectural narrative? Going through the graphic novel and comparing one illustration across the other, the students realized that the novel gave a fairly complete vantage of most of the architectural studies. The subject of the stories was kind of rough, involving rape, suicide, theft, domestic abuse and promiscuous sex. The students were able to handle it. No trigger warnings were necessary. At the end of the day, I was relieved that this graphic experiment worked out OK.

Eisner was one of many elements introduced. In just one week, the students have analyzed archival city maps at our Library Special Collections, were lectured on the architecture of the Jewish diaspora from the Temple of Solomon and the Tower of Babel to the Roman ghetto and the Russian pogroms. They learned about space, time, and form in archaeological analysis. And they also created a house database of family residence across three generations (the houses of their parents, grandparents, and great-grandparents) -- here they learned how difficult it is to get data even in your own family; they also learned of the great migration history that each student has brought to the class.

Thursday, September 14, 2017

The Greek Laborer in America: 1907 Account

The textual sources for the archaeology of Greek immigration in the US are varied and relatively scarce. I am particularly interested in evidence on the materialities of dwelling. One type of source I'm working with includes a genre of guide books produced in the US and distributed to potential immigrant in Greece, as well as newcomers. They typically contain useful contact information (including addresses of Greek establishments for each city) and useful tips. The first such almanac was published in 1904 by the New York newspaper Thermopylae (93 Washington Street). Better known are the almanacs of Serapheim Canoutas, a Greek lawyer from Trikala and published an annually updated Greek American Guide from 1908 to 1915. The book was sold at the publisher (255 West 23rd St., New York City), in Athens bookstores (M. Saliveris was the main distributor on  Stadiou St), the Greek provinces and Istanbul. 

In the second edition of the Greek-American Guide (1909), Canoutas recognizes the need to describe the laborer conditions in the American West. He solicited G. Fotopoulos, a former Greek school teacher who migrated to Ely, Nevada. The report contains factual information about housing, clothing, eating and drinking.

The lives of immigrants became the subject of multiple studies by American activists and academics. Greek immigration coincides with the rise of the Chicago School of Sociology and empirical urban anthropology. Important as these early sources of Greek-American material culture may be, they were drawn from the perspective of outsiders. G. Fotopoulos's report to Serapheim Canoutas might be one of the earliest attempts to describe a community from the inside. The Greek biases are vividly clear.

As Canoutas himself admits, the predominant focus of his guides and of Greek immigration was centered on cities, where Greeks aspired to small commercial enterprises. This has left wage laborers in mines, railroads and factories in the dark. Greek scholarship has indeed focused more closely on the entrepreneurial transition from low to middle class by the Greek American community. Thankfully, the pioneering work of Helen Papanikolas directed research to mining Utah. The archaeology of Greek America also begins in the West at the excavation of the Ludlow massacre site by the Colorado Coal War Archaeological Project. Randy McGuire, Phillip Duke, Deane Saitta, Sarah Chicone and others have documented the living conditions of Greeks in the mining town of Berwind and in the tent city of the major union strike in American history directed by Louis Tikas. The Archaeology of Class War: The Colorado Coalfield Strike of 1913-1914 (Boulder, 2010), ed. Larkin, Karin and Randall H. McGuire, is a great monograph on this project. The translation of Fotopoulos report on the Greek laborer of the Western states, I hope, will be of use to the pioneering archaeological work carried out by this group.


The translation below is mine. If you are interested in a particular passage, I can refine it and answer more detailed linguistic questions. The image of the Greek immigrant above is a WPA photograph by Dorothea Lange, Migrant Agricultural Workers in California, 1939, from Library of Congress. Beyond the flare of its human subject, it illustrates the tent architecture of her ephemeral residence.

Canoutas, Seraphim G. 1909. Greek-American Guide, Ελληνο-Αμερικάνικος οδηγός, 2nd ed., New York: Phoenix. Kostis Kourelis translation. Pages noted in brackets.

During the last three years, we have studied the life of Greeks in America who live in cities. We have produced a long account in the preceding chapters of this book. We have studied their progress in commercial professions, as shop owners, or servants in hotels and laborers in factories. But we also wanted to include an account of the Greeks who work outdoors, whether in the construction of railroads or mines. So we contacted G. Fotopoulos, an ex-school teacher living in the state of Nevada, who lived and worked among the workers and we requested that he send us an account. He politely accepted our request and sent the following report. Since we received it late, we were not able to publish it in the first edition of the book [1906]. Mr. Fotopoulos gives us a picture of the situation as it was a year ago before the crisis. Hence the reader should take into consideration that the situation has greatly declined including wages. Those who had the fortune not to be laid off had their salaries significantly reduced. We should also explain to our readers outside of America that the states where Greeks work in railroads or mines are the Western states, especially California, Nevada, Utah, Colorado, Wyoming, Washington, Oregon and Idaho. Before the economic crisis, 10-15 thousand people worked in those states. The number today must be about half. [p. 209] Here is for us the letter describing the workers by Mr. G. Fotopoulos.
--SERAPEIM CANOUTAS

I gladly send the requested information regarding the Greek workmen in America. The history of Greek workers is long but there are only a few pages devoted to it. I hope this short description will satisfy your request. This short description is based on my experiences living with this community for a year. I send you heart-felt wishes for the success of the publication of your “Guide.” Warm congratulations for the difficult task of completing this volume that will prove to be extremely useful reading for the Greeks in the America.
Sincerely
--G. N. Fotopoulos
Ely, Nevada, November 22, 1907

THE GREEK LABORER IN AMERICA

A. WORK
The pickax and the shovel [η σκαπάνη και το πτύον] are the two main tools used by the Greeks to satisfy their wish of living their homeland. During the contracting projects, they work as large groups under the direction of a foreman and a Greek interpreter. [p. 210] In the repairs of railroad lines, they work in small teams of 6-10 according to sections. The other manual laborers are few in number and the type of work difficult to describe. This is typically work in factories. Daily wages range from $1 to $3. Wages are lower in the Eastern provinces and higher in the Western provinces. During my survey for the publication “The Flag” [Σημαία] at the beginning of the year, I collected the following figures for daily wage. Virginia $1-1.50, Missouri $1.50-1.75, Kansas-Wyoming-Iowa same, Colorado $1.50-1.75, Utah $1.75-2.00, Nevada $2.25-3.50. In general, work in the railroad lines is not exhausting, but work in the factories and mines is rough—frustrating and unhealthy. Unfortunately, the Greek has not comprehended the advantages of agriculture that is more profitable and easier to earn a living. It also offers great educational lessons that the immigrant could bring back to Greece and apply. The numerous Greeks that have excelled in agriculture, as they have communicated, have accomplished what they wanted. I must especially stress that Greeks should not lag behind the Bulgarians, who have involved themselves in agriculture much more than the Greeks.

B. HOUSING.-FOOD.

A Following the needs of their work, the Greeks live in sheds, tents and rail cars. When located near cities, they live in group housing of 5-20 individuals per room. The walls of these dwellings are covered by beds stacked one on top of the other [bunk beds]. In the center of the room, there is a long table for eating. On the side, there is a stove with its inseparable kettle and a pot for boiling coffee. [p. 211] Coffee is an invaluable beverage that gives flavor to breakfast, consisting of a slice of bread. A cook rotates among the workmen daily, weekly, or monthly and prepares the meals. The typical course for Greeks is meat. Variety is rare. At a visible place in the room, there are icons and pictures of beloved persons, for the most part photographsplace in the room, there are icons and pictures of beloved persons, for the most part photographs.

C. READING

Whatever book with a tantalizing title appears on a newspaper ad is gladly purchased for each worker’s idiosyncrasy. Stories like “Thje Brigands,” [Ληστών], “Chaido,” [Χαιδώ] “A Thousand and One Nights” [Χαλιμά] are the soft readings from which the laborers derive the fantastical, and the absurd, that is all dangerous and useless. Few laborers read history or any beneficial texts. Few subscribe to newspapers. Their news and interpretations are discussed with extreme carelessness. We believe it is essential to recommend the reading of newspapers or works published in Athens by the Society of Useful Books, which are enjoyable, educational and written in simple language. Religious books and illustrated books are entirely nonexistent. Not

D. HEALTH

The principles of health are unknown. The bed covers are never aired in the sun after getting gup. There is a silly notion that the bed covers will stay warmer if they are left on the bed until nighttime. Sometimes the rooms have curtains but they are not drawn to let any vital air into the room. This habit is a main cause of tuberculosis among most of our compatriots. [p. 212] Baths gratify Greeks. Among the 500 and over laborers at McGill, Nevada, almost no one visited the Company baths. They ignore the positive effects of bathing that it revives as much as it cleans the body. They also neglect the negative effects of humidity on the body. They prefer hot and humid air rather than cold and dry air, which is more beneficial to health. I once encountered a most depressing sight. I found Greeks sleeping inside a man-made cave, two feet deep and two feet tall, with an earthen roof. The only opening was a single low door. The walls were covered in mold. Most of the Greeks wear 2-3 undershirts at work because they are afraid of the cold. But in their first movements they get drenched in sweat and with the frigid cold they develop pneumonia, congestion and coughs that ultimately lead to tuberculosis. The diet of meat and large quantities of coffee is unhealthy. In the coffee, moreover, they add some form of mead or molasses after the coffee has boiled with sugar, which makes it cheaper. This diet combined with daily toil of outdoor work contributes to sickness.

E. DISEASES

Most of the workers, like many Greeks, suffer from venereal diseases. Our young people waste their earnings and their health to the terrible goddess Venus and become miserable. We think it is essential to visit a doctor immediately after the appearance of symptoms and not trust the advice given by colleagues who suffer from the same disease. The second most common disease is rheumatism caused by humid conditions. Other diseases are rare. We must also report that the company doctors devote no time to the workers.

F. EARNINGS-EXPENSES

The earnings of the workers are satisfactory, especially in the Western states. However, the lack of control on the expenses stresses the balance of the budget, and most find themselves without money. The petty pride so natural to Greeks and the petty daily expenses consume all the capital earned in the year. Card playing is also a problem (Greeks spent $15,000 in the gambling houses of Ely, Nevada). Moving to a new place in pursuit of a better job is also expensive (the railroads take a serious fee when there is a change of residence). Petty little shops where Greeks waste their free time also waste savings. These are the main reasons contributing to a chronic condition of poverty.

G. MORAL CHARACTER

Hard work and the lack of family are the two forces that contribute to ethical behavior. The lack of places to carry out religious duties and the seasonal festivals, contributes to ethical behavior. Living anonymously among people and the freedom to say whatever comes to one’s mind are also detrimental. These conditions have destroyed the good character of the Greeks. They have hardened his sentiment, made him coldhearted, indifferent and arrogant. They have made him forget his home country, his religion, his society and his humanism. The filth, rubble, irony and verbal abuse that take place in the labor settlements have acted negatively on the character of the Greeks. When those Greeks return back home, we might note, that while acquiring gold, they also acquired arrogance and many other character defects.

H. CLOTHING

Nobody could criticize the worker’s clothes. But the lack of non-working clothing to be used after work is noticeable among the Greeks. A minimal investment of $10-20 for presentable clothing would elevate both self-respect and respect of Greeks among others. [p. 214] It is a shame for Greeks to be walking around the streets with filthy and torn clothes.

I. BEHAVIOR

Greek history is known to all ethnicities in the U.S. They know of Ancient Greece as the origins of western civilization. Good behavior highlights the levels of civilization of each ethnic group. Modern Greeks, unfortunately, lack in good behavior. When we try to show off the customs of our country, we become ridiculous and are considered primitive. The customs of our country are very different from the customs here. Our songs sound to others like shrieking laments, our dances look like movements of primitive peoples, our drums and flutes solicit laughter. Our manner of speaking quickly, loudly and moving our hands vigorously seem wild and very undesirable to the ears of others. Our agitation, our eruptions and our stubbornness make others angry. Our manner of loitering on the sidewalks to talk is both illegal and annoying. Others consider us wild, beggarly (degos) and dirty. These are our behaviors. But we must remember the dignity associated with our name as Hellenes. Good judgment, willingness and good attitude are not impossible things.

J. COMPARISON BETWEEN GREEKS AND OTHER ETHNICITIES

Greeks are the most desired ethnicity for all jobs. Their diligence, patience, orderliness, willingness, devotion, self-discipline, control over alcoholic consumption, patience over abuse and respect for superiors have earned Greeks the reputation of most desirable laborer than other ethnicities that seem lazy, drunk, disorderly and disheveled. This distinction, however, has earned the hatred of all other groups. [p. 215] If the Greek did not have the above-mentioned faults, he would command greater respect and appreciation among the popular opinion.

K. RELIGIOUS AND NATIONAL CUSTOMS

With all the offerings towards the ideals of Hellenism, Nation and Religion, we dare say that the religious and national sentiments is not high. The religious sentiments are compromised by an intense fear of God or by the hope of God providing some material gains. Thanks to these, there is no high levels of religiosity. The national sentiment is in the same degree. We can divide Greeks in three clear categories with respect to the national sentiment. There are the cultivated and loyal subjects who regularly contribute to the nation and inspire others. There are the half-educated and stingy that give only after emotional pressure and shaming. And, finally, there are those who hate their country, who not only give nothing back but they curse the land that created them, they disrupt any communication with the homeland and discourage those that do.

L. NOTIONS OF RETURN

It is daring to note our serious opinion about this. Nine tenths of the unmarried workers who continue to work on daily wages, spend their money in the activities mentioned above that live the worker without savings. And they will never be able to return to Greece. The contrast between the plethora of pleasures in America and the thrifty life-style of Greece, muddle the filter of returning home. None of the men marry American women. They understand the cultural differences and the problems of living with liberated wives.

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Thursday, June 01, 2017

Pallet Gardening

William Caraher has been recording pallets throughout his travels and, at one point, has even proposed a book on the subject. This spring I noticed for the first time the recycling of pallets into urban gardening. This pallet garden was on the sidewalk of S 700 Front St block, near the Cypriot restaurant Kanella. This trend has been going on for a couple of years in Philadelphia. The South Philly Food Co-Op even offers workshops on pallet gardening.

At the 4800 Baltimore Ave block, you can even see a pallet affixed over a porch railing. The transformation of a horizontal transport element into a vertical gardening container involves one invisible step, the stapling of landscape fabric around the spacings, so that the dirt won't fall down. Websites offer instructions on how to do this in seven easy steps.


Thursday, November 03, 2016

Remote Ethnography

Working on vernacular architecture, I've engaged in various loose forms of ethnography. Truth be told, I have become an architectural historian and archaeologist because I prefer working with the stillness and remoteness of mute rocks than the complexities of inner subjectivities that come with people. For years now, I have conducted interviews that fit the category of "salvage ethnography," whose objective is to collect information that is threatened to disappear. I capture audio from informers who are typically the last ones to possess factual and semi-factual knowledge about historical events, experiences, occurrences, and craft practices. Having worked with social worker and historian Bret Weber in the man camps of North Dakota, I know that my ethnography is sloppy. Yet, I continue recording conversations and place my energy in transcribing (rather than theorizing about them). Another laborious part of this process is translating, since many of the interviews are in Greek or at least bilingual. 

I have started to take my ethnography a little more serious as I read more and more anthropological fieldwork on migrant camps, and am study the classic Writing Ethnographic Fieldnotes (2nd ed., 2011). With methodological issues in the back of my mind, I also embark on an exciting new blog-ethnography.

I use my blog to publish short and preliminary thoughts on fieldwork. The instant and public availability of those posts generate new online conversations with people that encounter me first as a blogger. Consider my post on the Lidoriki Pillbox two weeks ago. This and other posts on the archaeology of Lidoriki have made me a frequent click on folks Googling Lidoriki history. Along with Facebook's social network, the word gets out to people that have information they want to share with me. After contacting each other by email, I interview those informers by phone or Skype.

Just this last week, I have come into contact with two wonderful individuals of the Lidoriki diaspora. One lives in Chicago, the other lives in Denmark. Over two short preliminary conversations, I have collected raw material that would not be available to me in the site of Lidoriki. For instance, I learned that the pillbox was not built during World War II but during the Civil War. "There were dozens of these bunkers in the village that were torn down. This one was in private property. It was in someone's field and continued to be used for chickens and goats after the war for 30-40 years. The others were in public space and were torn down. People took the material and reused it." Now this information about a village in Greece, was collected by me on a telephone in Philadelphia, from someone on a cellphone while riding a bus in Copenhagen. 

Social immersion and access to "thick descriptions" is the ethnographer's goal. This cannot be the case with the archaeologist, who must spend his limited resources in silence documenting buildings, walls, objects, landscapes. Globalization has thrown a wrench into the ideals of anthropological fieldwork. The difficulty of the anthropologist's immersion into social groups who are themselves in motion is most evident in refugee fieldwork, see Gregory Feldman "nonlocal ethnography," in Migration Apparatus (Stanford, 2012, pp. 180-198). Equally interesting is Dan Miller's new project on the anthropology of Global Social Media.

I am still torn between the tensions of material versus oral culture. The tension is becoming more vivid as I delve deeper into the archaeology of diaspora and the archaeology of refugee camps. I am envious of more theoretically-minded archaeologists, who have done a more complete turn towards ethnography. But they have sacrificed material documentation. Surveying publications over the archaeology of the contemporary world, one is struck by the great volume of theorizing and experiential describing versus a shortage of data. Although I must sharpen my ethnographic skills, I can make greater contributions in mapping or spatial documentation. I guess, my ethnography is subservient to my spatial documentation. And it's important to understand that shortcoming. Yet the question remains. What will I do with all these hours of interviews and transcriptions?


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Friday, October 28, 2016

Wool and Rubble Walls: Domestic Archaeology in the Medieval Peloponnese

Back in March 26, 2015, I participated in a conference on Byzantine textiles at Dumbarton Oaks, "Liminal Fabrics: Furnishing Textiles in Byzantium and Early Islam." I made the argument that piles of rubble walls and ceramics from archaeological survey tell a much better story about medieval textiles (through production) than the few surviving pieces in museum collections (through artistic analysis). 


I have just finished writing up the essay and submitted it for review in the conference publication, edited by Gudrun Bühl, director of the Dumbarton Oaks Museum. I celebrate International Open Access Week by posting my draft.



This is the first paper that I have written entirely on iCloud's Pages, integrating laptop, tablet, and smart phone in one process. The paper was never printed out in hard copy or read as a Word document.

Thursday, October 27, 2016

Archaeologies of Care

I am so thrilled to be part of a panel on "Archaeologies of Care: Rethinking Priorities in Archaeological Engagement" at the annual meetings of the Society of Historical Archaeology in January 2017. The session is organized by Christopher Matthews, whose Archaeology of American Capitalism (2010) was monumental in my research and Richard Rothaus, best known for his work in Greece, Corinth: The First City in Greece (2000), CRM in Minnesota, North Dakota, Turkey, and (while wearing a suit) Vice Chancellor for Academic and Student Affairs at the North Dakota University system. We established that Richard coined "archaeologies of care" live on a Caraheard podcast.

The panel includes papers on New York City homelessness (Singleton), oil worker housing in the Bakken (Weber, Caraher, Rothaus), native and African American archaeology in Long Island (Matthews), competing archaeological priorities in the Navajo Nation (Thompson), African American archaeology in central New Jersey (Burton, Markert, Weston), World War II Japanese internment camps in Colorado (Clark) and Arizona (Ozawa), segregation of African-Americans in swimming pools, beaches, and rivers (Mullins, Yimaunu), and the refugee settlements in Greece  (Kourelis). The full program with abstracts here. I especially like the quote in the session abstract, "Writing against the presumption that archaeologists will be defenders of ancient sites destroyed by ISIS militants, some have voiced alternative possibilities for who and what archaeologist are in these settings."

I only wish I could see the sessions on migrant archaeology at the American Association of Anthropology meetings (Minneapolis, Nov. 15-20) organized by Yannis Hamilakis and Jason de Leon.


SYM-009: Archaeologies Of Care: Rethinking Priorities In Archaeological Engagements
Time:
Thursday, 05/Jan/2017:

1:30pm - 4:15pm

Session Chair: Richard Rothaus
Session Chair: Christopher N Matthews
Discussant: Carol McDavid
Location: Texas Ballroom D
Theater=90


Session Abstract
Inspired by recent thinking about the role of archaeology in war torn Syria and the ongoing refugee crisis, this session brings together two threads of interest regarding archaeology and archaeologists. Writing against the presumption that archaeologists will be defenders of ancient sites destroyed by ISIS militants, some have voiced alternative possibilities for who and what archaeologist are in these settings. For one, archaeologists are literally boots on the ground working with local people, which leads them to care, or to take seriously the everyday lives of these individuals and communities. Second, this engagement leads to prioritizing the documentation of displaced people over the preservation of sites, since it can very well be our colleagues being displaced. Moreover, we recognize that displacement creates its own elusive materiality that can only be recorded in the moment and by those familiar with the settings and social contexts that forced the decision to leave.
Presentations

1:30pm - 1:45pm
A Sympathetic Connection: The role of sympathy in an archaeology of contemporary homelessness
Courtney Singleton
Columbia University, United States of America; singleton2248@gmail.com
Sympathy is a sentiment that involves the recognition of self in another on the grounds of similitude. For archaeologists sympathy is an important concept as it is materially based and allows for communication across various boundaries of difference. Most scholars tend to focus on the body and embodied experience as the grounds for sympathetic connection. However, archaeologists can evoke sympathy in the marked absence of bodies in order to connect across spatial, temporal, and social boundaries through particular objects within particular contexts. This paper will explore sympathy in the context of contemporary homeless encampments in the United States, focusing particularly on an archaeological site in New York City. It is argued that the object of home becomes the sympathetic grounds upon which an archaeology of care connects to larger political issues surrounding displacement and poverty.


1:45pm - 2:00pm
An Archaeology of Care in the Bakken Oil Patch (North Dakota, USA)
Richard Rothaus1, William Caraher2, Bret Weber2
1North Dakota University System, United States of America; 2University of North Dakota, United States of America; richard.rothaus@ndus.edu
The University of North Dakota Man Camp Project has used archaeology to engage seriously the issues of workforce housing and industrial landscapes in the Bakken. Our work proceeds with a focus not on the ebullience (or catastrophe) of the Bakken, but rather on the material culture of housing in a dynamic extractive landscape. We do not advocate, nor do we analyze or make policy recommendations. Our work in the field epitomizes, however, an archaeology of care for the communities in which we work. Our conversations in the field, attention to detail, and willingness to take seriously the everyday life of individuals and communities create a connection between the wider world (which we represent, oddly enough) and their very personal experience. Our recognition of, and interest in, the agency of individuals buffered by incomprehensibly large forces has value for the academic and non-academic communities.


2:00pm - 2:15pm
Caring Forthe Future With Archaeology
Christopher N Matthews
Montclair State Univeristy, United States of America; cmatthew65@gmail.com
Historical archaeology is a useful method for discovering silenced and hidden pasts that force reconsideration of how the present came to be and at what and who’s expense. This impulse regularly generates deeper appreciations for the power of the past in and over the present. Yet, archaeologists less often move their results forward to engage with the futures that contemporary people, such as descendant and local communities, can make with new archaeological knowledge. This is surprising since a critical study of the past that provides ownership of it to marginal people and groups inherently and simultaneously calls for consideration of who the owns the futures that will be built on such new pasts. Drawing from my research with a descendent nonwhite community in Setauket, New York, I explore the intersection of past and future in the way historical archaeological research has been imagined and practiced.


2:15pm - 2:30pm
Everyday Archaeology on the Navajo Nation
Kerry F. Thompson
Northern Arizona University, United States of America; Kerry.Thompson@nau.edu
The role of archaeology in facilitating everyday life on the Navajo Nation is a day-to-day concern for many Navajo Nation citizens. Citizens and communities of the Navajo Nation and the nation itself engage with archaeology in three ways. Individual citizens require archaeology to secure the necessary permission to build a home on reservation land. For Navajo communities, archaeology is part and parcel with infrastructure and land use planning and development. At the government level archaeology is required for water and land claims litigation, NAGPRA claims, and TCP identification and protection. The traditional disciplinary goals of site preservation, data collection, and furthering knowledge of the past are secondary to these three more immediate needs of the Navajo people. Academics and CRM professionals who fail to recognize these three necessary engagements that Navajo people have with archaeology run the risk of further alienating the people they seek to engage in archaeological research.


2:30pm - 3:00pm
15min presentation + 15min break
Expanding the Dialogue: A Conversation Between Descendent and Archaeologist about Community, Collaboration, and Archaeology at Timbuctoo, NJ
Christopher P. Barton1, Patricia G. Markert2, Guy Weston3
1University of Memphis, United States of America; 2Binghamton University, United States of America;3Timbuctoo Discovery Project, United States of America; cpbarton16@gmail.com
Meaning is not monolithic. Presented here are different narratives on the interests of archaeologists and descendants. Focus is given to the African American community of Timbuctoo. This project, like many other attempts at community archaeology is not a story of unabated triumphs: rather, these narratives are about the challenges that can emerge through collaboration. This is not meant to demean collaborative archaeology, rather it is to underscore that through pragmatic discourse we can uncover an array of meanings for different groups. It is our belief that collaborative archaeology represents the future of archaeological practice.
Central to this future is that there is no template on how to conduct community archaeology. The most fruitful projects have only reached success through years of trial-and-error. Our work at Timbuctoo has been no different. We argue that community archaeology is not just an goal: it is a process, and must be treated as such.


3:00pm - 3:15pm
Passionate Work: Communities of Care and the DU Amache Project
Bonnie J. Clark
University of Denver, United States of America; bclark@du.edu
Working at Amache, the site of a WWII era Japanese American incarceration camp, involves several facets of an “archeology of care.” First, over five field seasons the University of Denver Amache Project has revealed significant physical evidence of how these displaced people took care of themselves, their families, and their neighbors. Both artifacts and landscape modification speak to many caretaking strategies. Second, the project creates space for the care of stakeholders through opening up the practice of archaeology. This happens through project structure, with High School internships volunteer programs, and an open house day for people with a personal or family tie to the camp. Finally, the work at Amache is geared to caring for a publically accessible site in a way that is sensitive to many communities of concern. By caring for the site and associated museum, we care for multiple heritages.


3:15pm - 3:30pm
Race and the water: the materiality of swimming, sewers and segregation in African America
Paul Mullins1, Timo Ylimaunu2
1IUPUI Dept. of Anthropology, United States of America; 2University of Oulu; paulmull@iupui.edu
Few dimensions of the color line were monitored as closely as access to American rivers, beaches, and swimming pools, which became strictly segregated in the early 20th century. This paper examines the heritage of color line inequalities in Indianapolis, Indiana's waters, where beaches were segregated, African Americans were restricted to a single city pool, and waterways in African-American neighborhoods still accommodate sewer overflows. Despite that history, a new wave of urbanites is now settling in formerly African-American neighborhoods, displacing historically African-American communities,and reclaiming the waterways without any recognition of the link between race and the water.


3:30pm - 3:45pm
The Archaeology of Refugee Crises in Greece: Diachronic Cultural Landscapes
Kostis Kourelis
Franklin and Marshall College, United States of America; kkourelis@gmail.com
The escalation of the Syrian Civil War caused a refugee crisis in Greece as thousands of people crossed the Aegean, leading to tragic loss of life. When Balkan neighbors closed their borders in 2016, some 50,000 migrants and refugees were trapped in Greece. The country responded by a dispersing this population throughout the country in new camps over abandoned sites like army camps, tourist resorts, commercial spaces, gymnasia, fair grounds, and even archaeological sites. Using lessons from the archaeology of the contemporary world, we apply remote sensing, media analysis, and limited field observation to document camps in real time and to address ephemeral urbanism. Refugee camps have been a permanent reality in Greece for a century. The paper also considers camps from the 1912-14 Balkan Wars, the 1922 Asia Minor Catastrophe, World War II, and the Greek Civil War and outlines a comparative archaeology of crisis.


3:45pm - 4:00pm
The Gila River Japanese American Incarceration Camp: Thinking With The Past
Koji H. Ozawa
Stanford University, United States of America; khozawa2@stanford.edu
Recent research on the World War II Japanese American Incarceration Camp at Gila River has provided both depth of knowledge to the subject and a forum for community engagement. Archaeology in particular has brought to light the diversity of experiences and the specific physical conditions of this displacement and confinement. Through a thorough examination of the context and materials of the Japanese American Incarceration, archaeological investigation can further our understanding of the effects of the camps on the individuals and the wider community. This paper seeks to show how the theoretical and methodological approaches to this subject can aid in our understanding of displaced peoples in the present. Today, the number of people displaced by conflict or persecution worldwide has risen to over 65 million, the highest number since WWII. Archaeologists are uniquely positioned to engage with these displaced communities, and to bear testimony.


4:00pm - 4:15pm
Discussant
Carol McDavid
Community Archaeology Research Institute, Inc., United States of America; mcdavid@publicarchaeology.org
Discussant

Thursday, October 20, 2016

Velouchovo Cave

In 2014, the Lidoriki Project concentrated on the survey of the acropolis of Ancient Kallion which housed the medieval fortified settlement of Velouchovo. The site was surveyed by Petros Themelis in the 1970s during the salvage excavations of the Mornos Reservoir, which ultimately submerged the modern village. In the 1980s, the Dutch Aetolian survey carried out a pedestrian surface survey (Bommeljé et al. 1987) and Joanita Vroom published the definitive study of the medieval occupation, where she identified Velouchovo as the medieval location of Lidoriki (Vroom 1993). Our job in 2014 was to create a detailed architectural study of the medieval kastro with aerial photogrammetry and measured survey. We produced a high resolution 3D-model of the site, seen above (Brenningmeyer, Kourelis and Katsaros 2015).

Although we did not conduct an artifact survey (as the Dutch had done in 1988-1991), we made close topographical studies. On the southwest slopes of the citadel, we identified the mouth of a cave. And right in front of the cave, we found two bullet casings. The initials "SMI" belong to Societa Metallurgica Italiana, the ammunitions company that armed Mussolini's invasion and occupation of Greece. After the Italian surrender in September 1943, the Greek partisans acquired a large number of weapons from the retreating Italians. This assemblage might, therefore, be interpreted as a site of partisan resistance. I would not want to make too many conclusions, but it helps us reconstruct the modern topography of the region. 

We photographed the two Italian bullets on graph paper (1/4 in grid).

Not far from the cave of Velouchovo, the British soldiers Chris Woodhouse and Eddy Myers were parachuted on September 28, 1942 to join the resistance. One of the caves in which they lived (near village Stromi) is now a national monument to the Greek resistance, commemorated every summer on July 6. 

Myers give detailed descriptions of the material culture of their precarious camps from the "wigwams," shelters built out of broken fir branches to the caves that were regularly used to store supplies and ammunition. Myers describes two caves.

"We had spent the previous night in pouring rain, huddled inside our parachute-rigged tent. We had the greatest difficulty in keeping this improvised structure intact, and one of it was blown away. The parachutes were poor protection against the rain, which soon seeped through and dripped on us whenever we were lying. We decided therefore to move into the cave and make it not only our store but or home as well. It was a funny home. I felt just like an animal wriggling my way in and out of it. But once inside, it was comparatively comfortable, even though it was poorly lit by the narrow beam of light which came through its tortuous entrance." (Myers 1955, p. 44).

"Our new cave had a wide entrance which let in plenty of daylight. It was far more congenial than the dark cavern-like one of the high stony plateau of Prophet Elias. Nearly an hour's climb from Stromi it was situated on a wooded mountain-side at the foot of a rocky escarpment about fifty feet high. It opened on the small patch of ground, around which closely packed fir trees obscured it from the opposite side of the valley. (Myers 1955, p. 49)

Caves need not be associated strictly with partisan activity. As in many mountainous regions in Greece, caves served the first line of shelter at times of danger. We know from our interviews at Lidoriki that during the burning of the village by the Nazis, the entire population withdrew to caves as far as 13 miles away. A more famous retreat into caves is found in the narratives of Nicholas Cage's Eleni (1985).

Although there is plenty of narratives on the German Occupation and the Civil War in Greece, there is little archaeology. One is hard-pressed to find a systematic or intentional fieldwork on war sites from the Greek War of Independence to the present.  A couple of new publications suggest the blossoming of a new discipline. I am grateful to a circle of socially active archaeologists for sharing exciting new work coming out of Greece. Here are four projects.

1.    In the field of pedestrian survey archaeology, the Antikythera Survey Project discusses a military assemblage found on the coast of the island (Bevan and Connely 2013, p. 78, and fig. 17). 

2.    Demetris Papadopoulos has surveyed the territories in Greece's northern border, the Prespa lake region land (Papadopoulos 2010, 2016)

3.    Although not a field project, Susan Hueck Allen has been mining US government archives for topographical, photographic, and personal information about the American involvement during the resistance. Allen presented her new research at the 2015 MGSA symposium (Allen 2015).

4.   Agni Karademou and Michalis Kontos have been conducting research in caves used by the Greek resistance in Macedonia. They presented their finds in the 2016 Architectural Dialogues conference in Lesvos (Karademou and Kontos 2016).

My sense is that the the archaeology of the contemporary world has caught up in Greece. There are many more studies about memory, historiography, and the intentional suppression of materiality. Yannis Hamilakis's essay on Makronissos opened up a new chapter on the study of Greek national memory a little over a decade ago (Hamilakis 2002). As an archaeological community, we must take up Hamilakis's challenge and see how much we can push the material documentation of this new socially-engaged practice. I feel that some day (maybe not yet) Makronissos might become the subject of an archaeological survey. 

REFERENCES

Allen, Susan Hueck. 2015. "Like Pulling Teeth with EAM," 24th Modern Greek Studies Association Symposium, Atlanta (Oct. 16, 2015)

Bevan, Andrew and James Connolly. 2013. Mediterranean Islands, Fragile Communities and Persistent Landscapes: Antikythera in Long-Term Perspective, Cambridge.

Bommeljé, S. et al. 1987. Aetolia and the Aetolians: Towards the Interdisciplinary Study of a Greek Region, Utrecht

Brenningmeyer, Todd, Kostis Kourelis and Miltiadis Katsaros. 2015. “The Lidoriki Project - Low Altitude Aerial Photography, GIS, and Traditional Survey in Rural Greece,” in CAA 2015: Keep the Revolution Going. Proceedings of the 43rd Annual Conference on Computer Applications and Quantitative Methods in Archaeology, ed. Stefano Campana, Roberto Scopigno, Gabriella Carpentiero, and Marianna Cirillo, pp. 979-988, Oxford.


Cage, Nicholas. 1985. Eleni, New York.

Hamilakis, Yannis. 2002. “The Other ‘Parthenon’: Antiquity and National Memory at Makronissos,” Journal of Modern Greek Studies 20:2, pp. 307-338.

Karademou, Agni and Michalis Kontos. 2016. “Αρχαιολογία του Ελληνικού Εμφυλίου Πόλεμου: η περίπτωση των σπηλαίων της Δυτικής Μακεδονίας,” Σύνορα/Όρια. Αρχαιολογικοί Διάλογοι 2016, Mytilene (April 15, 2016).

Myers, E. C. W. 1955. Greek Entanglement, London.

Papadopoulos, Dimitris C. 2010. “Σχηματίζοντας τη λίμνη: Εμπειρία και διαμεσολάβηση του τοπίου στις Πρέσπες,” PhD diss University of the Aegean, Mytilini.

Papadopoulos, Dimitris C. 2016. “Ecologies of Ruin: (Re)bordering, Ruination, and Internal Colonialism in Greek Macedonia, 1913-2013,” International Journal of Historical Archaeology 20, pp. 627-640.

Vroom, Joanita. 1993. “The Kastro of Veloukhovo (Kallion): A Note on the Surface Finds,” Pharos 1, pp. 113-138.

Wednesday, October 19, 2016

Lidoriki Pillbox

One of the main themes in our survey of the deserted village Aigition/Strouza has been the archaeology of destruction in World War II, when the village was burned and its residents shipped to a concentration camp in Athens. As we process the material for publication, I lament the lack of comparative studies (in contrast to Spain, U.K., Norway). In order to add to the discussion, I process the preliminary drawings from the World War II and Civil War pillbox in Lidoriki. 



The WWII pillbox is located on the northern edge of the village; it controls the valley and the main national road towards Karpenisi to the north and Lamia to the northeast (we think this stretch of road was constructed in the 1880s). It sits on the N side of the road as one exits the village, at location Lat/Long N 38°31'44.0, E 22°12'10.06.5" We have driven by this structure every day on our way out of Lidoriki, but finally this summer we stopped to mearure it.

The pillbox is circular (3.50 m. diameter x 2.20 m height). Pillbox typology is well worked out in northern Europe, but I do not know of any Greek study. They are very popular to photograph and comment on but rarely surveyed. Thus, in the spirit of Paul Virilo's 1965 exhibition Bunker Archaeology, at the Pompidou Center, bunkers are objects of sublime photographic response rather than physical documentation.

Lidoriki's pillbox is most interesting in its constructional bilingualism. Only the upper part of the structure fits the typology of reinforced concrete common to pillboxes. The lower part of the structure is built in traditional stone. The upper structure required form-work, steel, and precise measurement, expertise and material beyond the village. The lower structure belongs to a craft tradition practiced by local masons. We have surveyed countless 19th- and 20th-century storage rooms (apothekes) using this technique in the area. In its material stratigraphy, it speaks of an interaction between indigenous and external forces, traditional and modern modes. 



The Lidoriki pillbox needs more work on our part. We haven't yet collected all the local histories to help us define the building's chronological horizon. We do not know whether it was built before or after the village was burned by the Nazis and how it functioned during the Civil War. We also need to study the post-abandonment processes. The pillbox was repurposed after the war. The gun slits were filled with brick (left) and stone (but when?) 


As the photo illustrates above, the Lidoriki pillbox belongs in a rich historical landscape. No doubt, it is a ghostly reminder of military trauma and it provides a philosophical contemplation of modernity (in the spirit of Virilio). At the same time, however, it is a complex physical artifact of this world and warrants the stratigraphic disentanglement that we lavish on ancient ruins. But survey is work. Next summer, we hope to expend some work in mapping the building as an extensive site. 

The Lidoriki Project is a collaborative teaching laboratory directed by Miltos Katsaros (Athens Polytechnic University), Todd Brenningmeyer (Maryville University) and myself. Every summer, it brings together Greek and American students to collaborate with the local community in the archaeological study of its late modern heritage destroyed by the Mornos Reservoir to water Athens and, more recently, by bauxite mining.

Friday, October 14, 2016

Aegina Orphanage 1829-1834

I argue that we need to embark on a refugee archaeology in order to confront the current crisis head-on, on the one hand, but also to make up for lost ground in having ignored the modern Greek periods as archaeologically valuable. There are three foci for our historical archaeology 1820s/1920s/1940s and the refugee crisis following the nation-states three greatest moments of crisis before the 2000s.

I have been trying to collect a state-of-the-field on these three loci. Focusing on the 1820s, we have the refugee settlement of Pronoia in Nauplion as the best documented by historical sources (Kardamitsi-Adami 1994). As far as I know, there hasn't been a systematic survey of the neighborhood assessing how much of the urban fabric dates to the initial phase. 

Aegina has some prominence, too, but it is not so well documented. We know from Kapodistrias and Samuel G. Howe that the refugees inhabited the islands caves and Mycenaean burials (a topic for a future post). Greek philanthropism is concentrated on Aegina's orphanage, which became a prison. Vasilis Petrakos has just published man primary sources about the archaeology of Kapodistrias and includes the plans below from a 1991 survey of the building (Petrakos 2015, v. 1, pp. 77-78). 
The orphanage of Aegina was Kapodistrias' largest building project constructed in October 1828 and occupied in April 1829 (thus at the same time as Howe's Washingtonia). It was designed by Theodoros Vallianos, a native of Cephalonia who trained in Russia. The decorative treatment of doors, windows, and corners has Baroque sensibilities popular in Europe (and especially the Ionian). The building was designed around a large courtyard, and a central axis aligning the entrance with a chapel. In addition to dormitories, the orphanage housed its own school and craft workshops for carpentry, bookbinding, tanning, and textiles. It also housed the nation's first library, printing press, and archaeological museum (before it moved to what is now known as the Old Museum). 


This ambitious philanthropic agenda did not last. Only five years after opening, the orphans were moved to Nauplio, and the building was converted into a military school. In 1841, it was converted into a quarantine hospital, and in 1860, it was converted into a psychiatric hospital. For three years, 1866-1869, it served refugee again, this time from the Cretan war. The old orphanage is best known for its last and longest phase, 1879-1984, as a prison. During this period, thousands of political dissenters (as well as criminals) were incarcerated here and, in some cases, executed here. Kapodistrias' humanitarianism turned full circle with a most repressive prison in Greek history.

The continuity between institutions of social correction and social punishment is not unusual (no need to read Foucault here), but it raises a number of questions that warrant an archaeological lens.

REFERENCES:

Kardamitsi-Adami, M. 1994. “Πρόνοια, ο πρώτος προσφυγικός συνοικισμός της ελεύθερης Ελλάδος,” Archaiologia 51 pp. 35-46

Petrakos, Vasileios Ch. 2015. Ημερολόγιο αρχαιολογικό. Τα χρόνια του Καποδίστρια 1828-1832, 3 vols., Athens: Vivliotheke tes en Athenais archaiologikes etaireias.



Tuesday, October 11, 2016

Doxiadis: The Archaeology of WWII Destruction

We have started working on the book manuscript for the deserted village of Aigition/Strouza. This is the site that we have been surveying for the last four years, a village founded around 1850, with many houses built with remittances from the U.S. in the 1910, burned by the Germans in 1943 (its population taken into a concentration camp in Athens), reoccupied and abandoned slowly.

There is very little archaeological work on one of the most important phenomena in the Greek countryside, the burning of 1/4 of all standing Greek villages during World War II (according to the Nuremberg Trials: 1,600 out of 6,500). With all attention place on reconstruction and the scars of the Civil War, this is an archaeological chapter that has staid closed in Greece. One of the important figures in the documentation of destruction was Constantine Doxiadis, director of urban planning in Athens in 1937, and director of the reconstruction. Doxiadis is best known for his ekistics movement and his planning of major cities like Islamabad or, closer to my home, Philadelphia's Eastwick neighborhood.

One of the lesser known activities of Doxiadis are his documentation of villages. During the war, he served in the resistance and published the only underground architectural journal of occupied Greece. After the war, he became director of the Ministry of Housing and Reconstruction, where he sent out architects throughout Greece to collect data on villages and architecture. This led to the publication of a series of pamphlets in English as "Series of Publications from the Undersecratary's Office for Reconstruction" in 1947. These publications coincide with Doxiadis' role as Greek representative at the United Nations International Conference of Housing, Planning and Reconstruction in San Francisco, etc. Reconstruction in Greece, of course, got wrapped up in the Marshall Plan and the Cold War, which gets us into tricky geopolitical waters.

In a 2010 conference "Front to Rear: Architecture during World War II" held at the IFA, Ioanna Theocharopoulou, urged us to reconsider "Constantinos A. Doxiadis: The War and the Archive," (watch the paper here). I love Theocharopoulou's thesis and I have followed up the publications. I would love to visit the Doxiadis archive in Athens in some future point. 

Destruction of Towns and Villages in Greece (Series of Publications from the Undersecratary's Office for Reconstruction No. 11, Athens: 1947) contains invaluable raw data, such as a location map of all destroyed villages, and detailed destruction maps for Attica, Piraeus, Chania, Kalavryta, Larissa, and the Corinth canal. These are ready to be georeferenced in GIS and taken into the field, so that we can initiate a systematic archaeology of crisis. The first thing I'd like to do is tackle Kalavryta, the best known of massacres (after perhaps Distomon).

I am working on an article with a wonderful team of collaborators on locating the refugee settlement of Washingtonia, founded in 1829 by Samuel Gridley Howe. David Pettergrew has published a post on the liberation of Corinth and I have promised to send him Doxiadis' map of the location spots of all the damage on the Corinth canal. He tells me that he already has other reports, and I'm curious if they two are consistent.

Below, I post the map of Kalavryta, in case anyone wants to get a GIS head-start.


Thursday, October 06, 2016

Kandinsky, Small Worlds IV

The Phillips Museum of Art at Franklin & Marshall College has some wonderful pieces. One of my favorite prints is the Kandinsky lithograph of Kleine Welten IV (1922) that we recently exhibited . We don't know very much about how we acquired this piece (but hope to find out). 

Kandinsky arrived at the Bauhaus in 1922 to teach mural painting and visual principles. In the summer months, likely at the studios in Dessau, he made a set of 12 prints that he published as an album Kleine Welten (Small Worlds) by Propyläen-Verlag, Berlin.

Thanks to a wonderful post by on Facebook by Marilena Cassimatis, I learned that the National Gallery in Athens also has one, acquired by the director Marinos Kalligas in 1966. I have always wondered how our little museum acquired this piece. 

I fantasize that it came through Albers.  In a letter dated May 5, 1935, Kandinsky (at Neuilly) writes to Albers (at Black Mountain, N.C.): 

"I am very pleased that you ordered another three of the "Sm. Worlds" series, you seem to be becoming my representative in Bl. Mountains! If Nierendorf cannot send you any small lithographs (the diagram in your letter was very accurate), I could send you 10 or so. I have still got some, but do not know offhand how many" 

See, Josef Albers and Wassily Kandinsky: Friends in Exile. A Decade of Correspondence, 1929-1949, edited by Nicholas Fox Weber (dir. of the Albers Foundation) and Jessica Boissel (former curator at the Pompidou), p. 70.

Most likely our piece came through Nierendorf Gallery that operated in New York between 1936 and 1947. When Karl Nierendorf died in Germany without any heirs in the U.S., the Gallery was confiscated by the State of New York. The Museum of Modern Art bought all its contents, which explains the Small Worlds in MoMA's collection.

Franklin and Marhsall has had a number of students studying heritage law within art history (Emma DeDourcy '15, Joel Naiman '14). Like most museums, we have plenty of pieces with complicated provenances. 

Tuesday, October 04, 2016

Cretan Black Lives Matter


There is an interesting intersection between Black Lives Matter and Greek refugee camps. The exchange of populations between Greece and Turkey after the 1922 Asia Minor disaster, lead into the massive deportation of Greece's African population. Having been brought to Greece as slaves during the Ottoman Empire, many became free and congregated in urban enclaves in Greek cities. One such enclave was "The Black Caves" on the slopes of the Acropolis in Athens. Thanks to Michael Ferguson's research, we know a lot more about the African neighborhood of Chania, Crete. During the 2009 Modern Greek Studies Association Conference in Vancouver, Ferguson presented one of the most interesting papers, “The Subsaharan Africans of Chania Crete in the 19th Century: A Comparative Perspective.” 

The published version of the paper appeared as “Enslaved and Emancipated Africans on Crete,” in Race and Slavery in the Middle East: Histories of Trans-Saharan Africans in Nineteenth-Century Egypt, Sudan, and the Ottoman Mediterranean, ed. Terence Walz and Kenneth M. Cuno, (Cairo, 2008), pp. 171-195. [I have PDF]

It is from this paper that I take the photo above, which is of an African refugee camp in Chania from ca. 1900. Why would Africans in Crete live in a refugee camp? Documented as late as the 1880s, freed African slaves had established their own quarter in Chania. We know very little about the architecture of this settlement, only that the houses were square and that they had flat roofs (very much like North African adobe houses). After a long series of wars, Greeks liberated Crete from the Ottomans in 1898. Neither Greek nor Ottoman, the freed Africans found themselves in the mercy of ethnic binaries. Their quarters were burned down by Greeks who saw them as Muslim. The picture above, shows the African Greeks as internally displaced peoples within the island that they had once called home, living in tents, around 1900. 

I do not know much about the topography of Chania to figure out where this might be. In the distance, you see the barracks that were taken over by Italians after the Ottomans were expelled.

During the 1922 exchange of population between Greece and Turkey, these Africans were displaced to Turkey (where they had no connection). A very small number defied the deportations and staid in Crete. They were studied by Charidimos Papadakis, The Africans of Crete: Halikoutis (Athens, 2008)

Papadakis reports on the last Afro-Cretan survivor whom he met, Salis Chelidonakis (1884-1967), pictured here. Once again, this is all from Michael Ferguson's research. What I'd like to do is add some archaeological specificity to the photograph above. And I need help from friends with Cretan topographical credentials.

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Kostis Kourelis

Philadelphia, PA, United States