Sunday, November 26, 2017

Kountouriotika Refugee Settlement: 1923 Red Cross Films

How is it possible that the first organized humanitarian action by the Greek immigrants in the U.S. could disappear from the annals of history? Although I have not quite verified this by any primary sources, Greek-Americans raised funds in 1923 to build the earliest refugee settlement in Athens. The settlement was known as Emirikon or, more commonly, as Kountouriotika, after Greek Admira (and later President) Paul Kountouriotis, who managed the distribution of the Greek diaspora relief funds. Kountouriotika is a unique settlement. It preceded the refugee housing built by the Refugee Settlement Commission (1923-1930) and the housing blocks built by the Greek government in the 1930s. The most famous of these, the Alexandras Avenue Apartments designed by the Le Corbusier trained Kimon Lascaris (1933-1935), has so dominated the architectural discourse over public housing, that it has eclipsed any interest on its American project across the street. 

The corner of Alexandras and Vasilisis Sofias Avenue has a layered history. It houses Greece's oldest continuously used stadium (for ther Panathenaic Soccer Team) and was inaugurated the same year as the refugee crisis. The Greek American diaspora invested in this corner a second time, paying for the field's light electrification in 1938. The corner is also the site of the infamous Averof Prisons, where political prisoners were held during the Fascist Regime of Metaxas (1937-40) and the colonel junta (1967-74). Like the Kountouriotika settlement, Averof Prisons were torn down in the 1970s.

Although I'm certain there is some Greek scholarship on Kountoriotika, I am surprised that it has not received greater attention. I am grateful to conversations with Jack Davies, who has explored this settlement even further in his archival work and with Alexander Kitroeff, the expert on the Panathenaikos Stadium. The limelight of Kountouriotika is 1923, when it was presented as a model project for humanitarian aid. It was quickly superseded with other projects, such as the refugee settlement at Pangrati, named Vyronas in 1924 (at the centennial of Lord Byron's death). 

My first photographic discovery of Kountouriotika was in the Frank and Frances Carpenter Collection at the Library of Congress. During his journey through Greece in 1923, Carpenter took photographed the refugee crisis. In the photo below, he notes: "A refugee city that was built by Greek Americans--A model of cleanliness and order."

This weekend, I became aware of another visual source for the Kountouriotika refugee settlement, thanks to the Greek Red Cross and Stephanie Larson. The International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) has digitized its audiovisual collection and made it available to the public online. The collection includes seven reels documenting the 1923 refugee crisis in Greece. 

The reels offer invaluable evidence for the archaeology of humanitarian relief and, specifically, on the construction of Kountouriotika. The reels were recorded in 1923 by Rodolphe de Reding Biberegg, the ICRC delegate in Greece. De Reding took over the delegation in 1922 after the abdication of King George (Queen Sophia had been the president of the Greek Red Cross and, naturally, resigned). De Reding's activities in Greece are best documented in a recent article by David Rodogno, “The American Red Cross and the International Committee of the Red Cross’ Humanitarian Politics and Policies in Asia Minor and Greece (1922-1923),” First World War Studies 5:1 (2014), pp. 83-99. De Reding's first accomplishments was to convert the abandoned Stringos light bulb factory into a shelter for 2,500 refugees and to organize numerous soup kitchens. An even greater accomplishment was to manage the construction of Kountouriotika and herald it as a model refugee settlement. It is for this precise paradigmatic reason that the reels were filmed. Rodogno argues that "the construction of this showcase village was supposed to demonstrate to both Greek authorities and international donors that it was possible to find a permanent solution to the settlement of the refugees." (94)

The ICRC film is perhaps the most thorough documentation of this experiment. The settlement included a textile factory, a school, kitchens, a hospital, and a church. The film also shows working textile workers. It also shows the construction of yet another refugee settlement, which I have not yet identified. It is constructed by wood rather than brick. This is the German (Γερμανικά) type of housing, which took its name from the wood that the German government gave to Greece as part of its World War I reparations. Most architectural historians concur that no wooden structure of this type survives today, but I am hopeful that we might have simply not looked hard enough.

I have only began to scratch the surface on the archaeological value of these ICRC films entitled "The Greek-Turkish War: Greece 1923." But first, I provide here a general overview and links of the seven digitized films. Each film has a reference number and a link to its source. The most relevant reels for Kountouriotika are numbers 7, 8, 9, and the end of 10. The description is quoted directly from the ICRC Audiovisual Archive.

Individual portraits of all members of the International Commission for the Exchange of Turkish and Greek Civilian and Military Prisoners in front of the ICRC delegation in Athens. Established by the agreement of January 30, 1923 between Greece and Turkey on the exchange of prisoner of war, the commission works from February 27, 1923 (first report) to September 15, 1923 (departure of the ICRC delegate in Smyrna, dr Schatmann). Members: President Colonel Eduard Wildbolz (Swiss RC); Dr. Page (Swiss CR); Dr. Lindsjöe (Swedish CR); Commander J. Cottakis (Greek Gov.); Ali Muzaffer Bey (Turkish Govt) and Paul Schazmann (Intermediate at Smyrna from February to September 1923, made two fact-finding missions to Turkish prisoners of war in Greece in January 1922 and January 1923).

The first plans show the embarkation of Turkish refugees on a liner. A second sequence shows a refugee camp at the seaside in which many Turks wait to be embarked. The latest plans show the International Commission for the Exchange of Turkish and Greek Civilian and Military Prisoners in its entirety on the wharf and in front of the ICRC delegation in Athens (same plan as in V F CR-H-00001-5). Members: President Colonel Eduard Wildbolz (Swiss RC); Dr. Page (Swiss CR); Dr. Lindsjöe (Swedish CR); Commander J. Cottakis (Greek Gov.); Ali Muzaffer Bey (Turkish Government) and Paul Schazmann (Intermediary at Smyrna, Feb. 1923, who made two fact-finding missions to Turkish prisoners of war in Greece in January 1922 and January 1923). 

The film presents the different stages of the construction of the village "Embirikon" built thanks to the support of the mission of Reding and the subsidies sent by the Greeks of America to permanently lodge part of the refugees in brick houses. The construction of this village by the Greek refugees is the subject of this film .. It shows the work of the various workers (masons, carpenters, carpenters, etc. ..)

The film shows several weaving and sewing workshops where girls work. The images also contain two scenes of children's meals. The emblem of the International Union of Help to Children appears in most plans. A map shows children entering one of the brick houses that are being built in V F CR-H-00001-7. 

The first plans show the installation of families in the village "Embirikon". We see Rodolphe de Reding. The following plans show the construction of a camp of ten white tents. The latest plans show the construction of a wooden barracks camp, a gift from the Imperial war fund.

The film shows King George II and Queen Mary of Saxe-Coburg-Gotha in front of the ICRC and International Children's Relief Union delegations in Athens. Following a ceremony of awards ceremony in which the king participates in an amphitheater; hard to know what exactly it is. Finally, the royal couple visit the village "Embirikon"

The film shows food coming and going in the Save the Children Fund depot and a visit by two Save the Children Fund delegates from a children's school (or orphanage). The Save the Children Fund sign appears three times in these images.

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Wednesday, October 11, 2017

Greek Philadelphia Business Directories 1904 and 1911

While my students map Greek residences in Philadelphia from the 1920 US census, I tackle the business directories. Beginning in 1904, entrepreneurial Greeks in New York began publishing almanacs to direct new immigrants navigate the new land. In addition to general information, they included business directories of Greek establishments in cities throughout the U.S. The directories provide previously untapped spatial information about Greek communities. 

The best known almanac is the Greek American Guide published every year by Serapheim Canoutas from 1908 to 1914. See my translation here of a fascinating report on the living conditions of Greek laborers in the West in Canoutas's 2nd edition of 1909.

I have taken two Greek American Guides, the first one published in 1904 by newspaper Thermopylae and the second published in 1911 by Canoutas. I have mapped the Greek business addresses below.

1904 Philadelphia Greek American Business Directory

1911 Philadelphia Greek American Business Directory

What we can see from the maps is the development of the Greek business presence in the city as confectioneries, florists, groceries, and restaurants. Focused around the cluster of Greektown, the Greek establishments developed along the main commercial corridors and expanded to the north and west. The two maps allow us to compare continuity and change in real estate, as well as proprietors.  

We can then take the particular locations and investigate their architectural character. The great majority of addresses do not exist anymore; they have fallen victim to urban redevelopment in the 1960s and 1970s, which ultimately lead to the end of Greektown. This makes it difficult to reconstruct the materialities of experience in the city of a century ago. Having particular spatial information, however, we can examine other archival depositories to reconstruct the materialities of some establishments. Consider the case study of 904 Walnut Street. 

The 1904 Guide gives the following summary of the Greek community of Philadelphia.

The Greek community of Philadelphia does not include a large number of members like the community of New York, Chicago, Lowell or San Francisco. Greeks began to arrive to this city in 1882. In the beginning, they worked as elsewhere in selling fruits from baskets and handcarts in central streets, and later they excelled in the foundation of confectionaries, fruit stores, and floral shops. In this city, there exist today successful and well-respected Greek confectionaries where many work. There are about 400 Greeks from which 100 work in the cigarette factory of the Stephano Brothers. A Greek Orthodox church in this city was founded about a year ago, with a priest Nathanael Sideris. (p. 146)

By 1911, the industrial epicenter of the Greek community, the Stephano Brothers cigarette factory with its 100 employees, had built its own factory on 1014 Walnut St. In 1904, the manufacturer was located on 904 Walnut Street. An additional five businesses were located in this address, making it a Greek-American business hub. This entire block has been taken over by a modern building (see here), but a search through Philadelphia's photographic archives ( provides visual testimony of the block before the block was demolished, in a photo taken by the Historic Commission in 1971.

The building in question is the third on the right. From its architectural style, we can date it to the 1890s. It had decorative stone arches and a Mansard roof (already covered in 1971) and five floors. The first floor had a large shop window made possible by iron beams and columns. The entrance vestibule opened to the commercial establishment on the first floor and a second entrance to a staircase and the additional four stories above. 

With the physical structure in mind, we can start to repopulate the building with its six Greek tenants: Stephano Bros (cigarette factory), A. Demotsis (confectionary), Em. Stergiou, P. Voloumvasis, Papavasileiou Bros, and I. Asimakopoulos. The building to its west, which had already been torn down by 1971, also housed a Greek establishment. It's also interesting to note the lack of continuity in both real estate and people. 904 Walnut St did not remain in Greek hands in 1911. With the exception of the Stephano Bros., none of its occupants are listed in the 1911 directory, suggesting that they either left Philadelphia or switched to other professions that did not make it into the directories.

Wednesday, September 27, 2017

Teaching Thursday. Growing GIS Pains

The first major project that my Migration Architecture students have to complete is a spatial analysis of sixteen blocks in Philadelphia. Located in the southeast quadrant of William Penn’s city, this is both the colonial core of the city but also the epicenter of the African-American, Russian-Jewish, Greek and artist enclaves. Our goal is to create new digital data. We will digitize all the 1916 buildings (based on the Sanborn Fire Insurance Map) and connect those buildings with their occupants (as listed in the 1920 US census). The students will also analyze the buildings that still survive and create a neighborhood narrative.
Learning ArcGIS is a central component of the class but it is not the subject of my lectures. I have created a sequence of exercises that the students can perform on their own with the help of tutorials. Their first challenge was to understand the complicated file structures of ArcGIS. This is the first stumbling block. The second challenge was to perform a georeferencing operation. Although pretty straightforward as operations, they were extremely difficult for the students. The problem was not the directions from the tutorials or the commands within the software but the inability to right-click on things, or manage files in ways that digital natives have learned to do. In other words, the problem was ArcGIS complicated file structure. 

Although everyone carried out the georeferencing tutorial, only about half of the class managed to successfully georeferenced a Sanborn map. And from that half, no one followed my instructions of keeping all their operations within a distinct file. The problem with sequenced digital assignments is that you cannot stop and make the students repeat the exercise when they have collectively failed for three reasons. One, the students get frustrated. They have already performed that operation and feel that their time investment alone was worth it. Having the students repeat the operation is, therefore, demoralizing. Two, the assignment must continue into the second phase of data manipulation, so that the project can be completed at the planned time. Three, the project is collective so the data produced by each student will ultimately be used by all students. The early mistakes of one student affect the final study. Quality control must be maintained sequentially and cannot be enforced punitively by a bad individual grade.

I resolved the discrepancy in quality of georeferencing among the 16 students by fixing their mistakes myself. This way, for their next assignment (digitizing) they can be on a common ground and we will not have any compounded error. The advantage of handing them a georeferenced Arc Map is that I can assure that they will not complicate the various settings.

Managing software learning in the classroom is tricky. I did not want to turn the classroom into a class on software. In class we cover theories, methods, and history. The software learning happens over the weekend as the main homework assignment. My students were practically up in arms when they realized that the only place they can do their assignment is at a particular GIS lab in the library that is used by other students and classes. They hated the idea that they could not simply download the software on their computers and do their homework at their dorms.

Friday, September 15, 2017

Teaching Thursday: Graphic Novel Migration Architecture

The first week of my Migration Architecture class is over. With the anxieties of a new class and a new group of students waning, I am ready to talk about it. The class has three objectives, to introduce students to spatial analysis as a discursive tool, to explore the inherent tension between migration and architecture, and to compare the American melting pot of the 1920s to migration today. The ingredients are part GIS, part graphic novel, part civic-engagement, and part forensic archaeology. Yes, a crazy combination that tries desperately to throw the students into hands-on spatial representing and analyzing their own constructions. Yes, I’m terrified of what might happen if the students don’t follow the tutorials on georectification or geocoding. Teaching software to undergraduates, I have come to believe, is equivalent to teaching them how to write or draw. But I don't quite know how to do it right yet.

The first GIS exercise of the course begins next week. The students will take over data generated by my 2016 Summer Hackman scholars, Lizzy Wood and Cassie Garrison. We will take 16 blocks of ethnic Philadelphia, map all the buildings and link them with their occupants listed on the contemporary census. Rather than giving the students a handful of terrific books and articles on Philadelphia’s ethnic melting pot, I have assigned them a graphic novel, the re-issue of Will Eisner’s A Contract with God, which takes place in Bronx tenement in 1930. I have never taught the graphic novel, but I have participated in readings and seminars of a graphic novel course that my colleague Kerry Sherry Wright teaches at F&M’s English Department. The second graphic novel that my student will read is Joe Sacco’s Notes from Gaza, which dramatizes Sacco’s investigation on the events of Rafa and Khan Yunis refugee camp in Palestine. The Arab Comic exhibition that just opened at the Phillips Museum adds another point of reference for the students.   

Today, we discussed the three stories of Eisner’s Contract with God. We asked a simple question. What is the architectural dimensions in the book’s narrative. Visually represented in a graphic novel, those spaces are not just implied but a parallel narrative to the words. We talked about the history of tenements from the double tenement of the 1830s, the railroad tenement of the 1850s, and the dumbbell tenement of the 1879 legislation. Through Eisner’s illustrations, we could reconstruct the entire architecture, from the stoop to the superintendent’s basement apartment. In the initial discussion of the books, the students were a little dumbfounded by my questions. Professor, what do you mean by the architectural narrative? Going through the graphic novel and comparing one illustration across the other, the students realized that the novel gave a fairly complete vantage of most of the architectural studies. The subject of the stories was kind of rough, involving rape, suicide, theft, domestic abuse and promiscuous sex. The students were able to handle it. No trigger warnings were necessary. At the end of the day, I was relieved that this graphic experiment worked out OK.

Eisner was one of many elements introduced. In just one week, the students have analyzed archival city maps at our Library Special Collections, were lectured on the architecture of the Jewish diaspora from the Temple of Solomon and the Tower of Babel to the Roman ghetto and the Russian pogroms. They learned about space, time, and form in archaeological analysis. And they also created a house database of family residence across three generations (the houses of their parents, grandparents, and great-grandparents) -- here they learned how difficult it is to get data even in your own family; they also learned of the great migration history that each student has brought to the class.

Thursday, September 14, 2017

The Greek Laborer in America: 1907 Account

The textual sources for the archaeology of Greek immigration in the US are varied and relatively scarce. I am particularly interested in evidence on the materialities of dwelling. One type of source I'm working with includes a genre of guide books produced in the US and distributed to potential immigrant in Greece, as well as newcomers. They typically contain useful contact information (including addresses of Greek establishments for each city) and useful tips. The first such almanac was published in 1904 by the New York newspaper Thermopylae (93 Washington Street). Better known are the almanacs of Serapheim Canoutas, a Greek lawyer from Trikala and published an annually updated Greek American Guide from 1908 to 1915. The book was sold at the publisher (255 West 23rd St., New York City), in Athens bookstores (M. Saliveris was the main distributor on  Stadiou St), the Greek provinces and Istanbul. 

In the second edition of the Greek-American Guide (1909), Canoutas recognizes the need to describe the laborer conditions in the American West. He solicited G. Fotopoulos, a former Greek school teacher who migrated to Ely, Nevada. The report contains factual information about housing, clothing, eating and drinking.

The lives of immigrants became the subject of multiple studies by American activists and academics. Greek immigration coincides with the rise of the Chicago School of Sociology and empirical urban anthropology. Important as these early sources of Greek-American material culture may be, they were drawn from the perspective of outsiders. G. Fotopoulos's report to Serapheim Canoutas might be one of the earliest attempts to describe a community from the inside. The Greek biases are vividly clear.

As Canoutas himself admits, the predominant focus of his guides and of Greek immigration was centered on cities, where Greeks aspired to small commercial enterprises. This has left wage laborers in mines, railroads and factories in the dark. Greek scholarship has indeed focused more closely on the entrepreneurial transition from low to middle class by the Greek American community. Thankfully, the pioneering work of Helen Papanikolas directed research to mining Utah. The archaeology of Greek America also begins in the West at the excavation of the Ludlow massacre site by the Colorado Coal War Archaeological Project. Randy McGuire, Phillip Duke, Deane Saitta, Sarah Chicone and others have documented the living conditions of Greeks in the mining town of Berwind and in the tent city of the major union strike in American history directed by Louis Tikas. The Archaeology of Class War: The Colorado Coalfield Strike of 1913-1914 (Boulder, 2010), ed. Larkin, Karin and Randall H. McGuire, is a great monograph on this project. The translation of Fotopoulos report on the Greek laborer of the Western states, I hope, will be of use to the pioneering archaeological work carried out by this group.

The translation below is mine. If you are interested in a particular passage, I can refine it and answer more detailed linguistic questions. The image of the Greek immigrant above is a WPA photograph by Dorothea Lange, Migrant Agricultural Workers in California, 1939, from Library of Congress. Beyond the flare of its human subject, it illustrates the tent architecture of her ephemeral residence.

Canoutas, Seraphim G. 1909. Greek-American Guide, Ελληνο-Αμερικάνικος οδηγός, 2nd ed., New York: Phoenix. Kostis Kourelis translation. Pages noted in brackets.

During the last three years, we have studied the life of Greeks in America who live in cities. We have produced a long account in the preceding chapters of this book. We have studied their progress in commercial professions, as shop owners, or servants in hotels and laborers in factories. But we also wanted to include an account of the Greeks who work outdoors, whether in the construction of railroads or mines. So we contacted G. Fotopoulos, an ex-school teacher living in the state of Nevada, who lived and worked among the workers and we requested that he send us an account. He politely accepted our request and sent the following report. Since we received it late, we were not able to publish it in the first edition of the book [1906]. Mr. Fotopoulos gives us a picture of the situation as it was a year ago before the crisis. Hence the reader should take into consideration that the situation has greatly declined including wages. Those who had the fortune not to be laid off had their salaries significantly reduced. We should also explain to our readers outside of America that the states where Greeks work in railroads or mines are the Western states, especially California, Nevada, Utah, Colorado, Wyoming, Washington, Oregon and Idaho. Before the economic crisis, 10-15 thousand people worked in those states. The number today must be about half. [p. 209] Here is for us the letter describing the workers by Mr. G. Fotopoulos.

I gladly send the requested information regarding the Greek workmen in America. The history of Greek workers is long but there are only a few pages devoted to it. I hope this short description will satisfy your request. This short description is based on my experiences living with this community for a year. I send you heart-felt wishes for the success of the publication of your “Guide.” Warm congratulations for the difficult task of completing this volume that will prove to be extremely useful reading for the Greeks in the America.
--G. N. Fotopoulos
Ely, Nevada, November 22, 1907


The pickax and the shovel [η σκαπάνη και το πτύον] are the two main tools used by the Greeks to satisfy their wish of living their homeland. During the contracting projects, they work as large groups under the direction of a foreman and a Greek interpreter. [p. 210] In the repairs of railroad lines, they work in small teams of 6-10 according to sections. The other manual laborers are few in number and the type of work difficult to describe. This is typically work in factories. Daily wages range from $1 to $3. Wages are lower in the Eastern provinces and higher in the Western provinces. During my survey for the publication “The Flag” [Σημαία] at the beginning of the year, I collected the following figures for daily wage. Virginia $1-1.50, Missouri $1.50-1.75, Kansas-Wyoming-Iowa same, Colorado $1.50-1.75, Utah $1.75-2.00, Nevada $2.25-3.50. In general, work in the railroad lines is not exhausting, but work in the factories and mines is rough—frustrating and unhealthy. Unfortunately, the Greek has not comprehended the advantages of agriculture that is more profitable and easier to earn a living. It also offers great educational lessons that the immigrant could bring back to Greece and apply. The numerous Greeks that have excelled in agriculture, as they have communicated, have accomplished what they wanted. I must especially stress that Greeks should not lag behind the Bulgarians, who have involved themselves in agriculture much more than the Greeks.


A Following the needs of their work, the Greeks live in sheds, tents and rail cars. When located near cities, they live in group housing of 5-20 individuals per room. The walls of these dwellings are covered by beds stacked one on top of the other [bunk beds]. In the center of the room, there is a long table for eating. On the side, there is a stove with its inseparable kettle and a pot for boiling coffee. [p. 211] Coffee is an invaluable beverage that gives flavor to breakfast, consisting of a slice of bread. A cook rotates among the workmen daily, weekly, or monthly and prepares the meals. The typical course for Greeks is meat. Variety is rare. At a visible place in the room, there are icons and pictures of beloved persons, for the most part photographsplace in the room, there are icons and pictures of beloved persons, for the most part photographs.


Whatever book with a tantalizing title appears on a newspaper ad is gladly purchased for each worker’s idiosyncrasy. Stories like “Thje Brigands,” [Ληστών], “Chaido,” [Χαιδώ] “A Thousand and One Nights” [Χαλιμά] are the soft readings from which the laborers derive the fantastical, and the absurd, that is all dangerous and useless. Few laborers read history or any beneficial texts. Few subscribe to newspapers. Their news and interpretations are discussed with extreme carelessness. We believe it is essential to recommend the reading of newspapers or works published in Athens by the Society of Useful Books, which are enjoyable, educational and written in simple language. Religious books and illustrated books are entirely nonexistent. Not


The principles of health are unknown. The bed covers are never aired in the sun after getting gup. There is a silly notion that the bed covers will stay warmer if they are left on the bed until nighttime. Sometimes the rooms have curtains but they are not drawn to let any vital air into the room. This habit is a main cause of tuberculosis among most of our compatriots. [p. 212] Baths gratify Greeks. Among the 500 and over laborers at McGill, Nevada, almost no one visited the Company baths. They ignore the positive effects of bathing that it revives as much as it cleans the body. They also neglect the negative effects of humidity on the body. They prefer hot and humid air rather than cold and dry air, which is more beneficial to health. I once encountered a most depressing sight. I found Greeks sleeping inside a man-made cave, two feet deep and two feet tall, with an earthen roof. The only opening was a single low door. The walls were covered in mold. Most of the Greeks wear 2-3 undershirts at work because they are afraid of the cold. But in their first movements they get drenched in sweat and with the frigid cold they develop pneumonia, congestion and coughs that ultimately lead to tuberculosis. The diet of meat and large quantities of coffee is unhealthy. In the coffee, moreover, they add some form of mead or molasses after the coffee has boiled with sugar, which makes it cheaper. This diet combined with daily toil of outdoor work contributes to sickness.


Most of the workers, like many Greeks, suffer from venereal diseases. Our young people waste their earnings and their health to the terrible goddess Venus and become miserable. We think it is essential to visit a doctor immediately after the appearance of symptoms and not trust the advice given by colleagues who suffer from the same disease. The second most common disease is rheumatism caused by humid conditions. Other diseases are rare. We must also report that the company doctors devote no time to the workers.


The earnings of the workers are satisfactory, especially in the Western states. However, the lack of control on the expenses stresses the balance of the budget, and most find themselves without money. The petty pride so natural to Greeks and the petty daily expenses consume all the capital earned in the year. Card playing is also a problem (Greeks spent $15,000 in the gambling houses of Ely, Nevada). Moving to a new place in pursuit of a better job is also expensive (the railroads take a serious fee when there is a change of residence). Petty little shops where Greeks waste their free time also waste savings. These are the main reasons contributing to a chronic condition of poverty.


Hard work and the lack of family are the two forces that contribute to ethical behavior. The lack of places to carry out religious duties and the seasonal festivals, contributes to ethical behavior. Living anonymously among people and the freedom to say whatever comes to one’s mind are also detrimental. These conditions have destroyed the good character of the Greeks. They have hardened his sentiment, made him coldhearted, indifferent and arrogant. They have made him forget his home country, his religion, his society and his humanism. The filth, rubble, irony and verbal abuse that take place in the labor settlements have acted negatively on the character of the Greeks. When those Greeks return back home, we might note, that while acquiring gold, they also acquired arrogance and many other character defects.


Nobody could criticize the worker’s clothes. But the lack of non-working clothing to be used after work is noticeable among the Greeks. A minimal investment of $10-20 for presentable clothing would elevate both self-respect and respect of Greeks among others. [p. 214] It is a shame for Greeks to be walking around the streets with filthy and torn clothes.


Greek history is known to all ethnicities in the U.S. They know of Ancient Greece as the origins of western civilization. Good behavior highlights the levels of civilization of each ethnic group. Modern Greeks, unfortunately, lack in good behavior. When we try to show off the customs of our country, we become ridiculous and are considered primitive. The customs of our country are very different from the customs here. Our songs sound to others like shrieking laments, our dances look like movements of primitive peoples, our drums and flutes solicit laughter. Our manner of speaking quickly, loudly and moving our hands vigorously seem wild and very undesirable to the ears of others. Our agitation, our eruptions and our stubbornness make others angry. Our manner of loitering on the sidewalks to talk is both illegal and annoying. Others consider us wild, beggarly (degos) and dirty. These are our behaviors. But we must remember the dignity associated with our name as Hellenes. Good judgment, willingness and good attitude are not impossible things.


Greeks are the most desired ethnicity for all jobs. Their diligence, patience, orderliness, willingness, devotion, self-discipline, control over alcoholic consumption, patience over abuse and respect for superiors have earned Greeks the reputation of most desirable laborer than other ethnicities that seem lazy, drunk, disorderly and disheveled. This distinction, however, has earned the hatred of all other groups. [p. 215] If the Greek did not have the above-mentioned faults, he would command greater respect and appreciation among the popular opinion.


With all the offerings towards the ideals of Hellenism, Nation and Religion, we dare say that the religious and national sentiments is not high. The religious sentiments are compromised by an intense fear of God or by the hope of God providing some material gains. Thanks to these, there is no high levels of religiosity. The national sentiment is in the same degree. We can divide Greeks in three clear categories with respect to the national sentiment. There are the cultivated and loyal subjects who regularly contribute to the nation and inspire others. There are the half-educated and stingy that give only after emotional pressure and shaming. And, finally, there are those who hate their country, who not only give nothing back but they curse the land that created them, they disrupt any communication with the homeland and discourage those that do.


It is daring to note our serious opinion about this. Nine tenths of the unmarried workers who continue to work on daily wages, spend their money in the activities mentioned above that live the worker without savings. And they will never be able to return to Greece. The contrast between the plethora of pleasures in America and the thrifty life-style of Greece, muddle the filter of returning home. None of the men marry American women. They understand the cultural differences and the problems of living with liberated wives.

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Thursday, June 01, 2017

Pallet Gardening

William Caraher has been recording pallets throughout his travels and, at one point, has even proposed a book on the subject. This spring I noticed for the first time the recycling of pallets into urban gardening. This pallet garden was on the sidewalk of S 700 Front St block, near the Cypriot restaurant Kanella. This trend has been going on for a couple of years in Philadelphia. The South Philly Food Co-Op even offers workshops on pallet gardening.

At the 4800 Baltimore Ave block, you can even see a pallet affixed over a porch railing. The transformation of a horizontal transport element into a vertical gardening container involves one invisible step, the stapling of landscape fabric around the spacings, so that the dirt won't fall down. Websites offer instructions on how to do this in seven easy steps.

Thursday, November 03, 2016

Remote Ethnography

Working on vernacular architecture, I've engaged in various loose forms of ethnography. Truth be told, I have become an architectural historian and archaeologist because I prefer working with the stillness and remoteness of mute rocks than the complexities of inner subjectivities that come with people. For years now, I have conducted interviews that fit the category of "salvage ethnography," whose objective is to collect information that is threatened to disappear. I capture audio from informers who are typically the last ones to possess factual and semi-factual knowledge about historical events, experiences, occurrences, and craft practices. Having worked with social worker and historian Bret Weber in the man camps of North Dakota, I know that my ethnography is sloppy. Yet, I continue recording conversations and place my energy in transcribing (rather than theorizing about them). Another laborious part of this process is translating, since many of the interviews are in Greek or at least bilingual. 

I have started to take my ethnography a little more serious as I read more and more anthropological fieldwork on migrant camps, and am study the classic Writing Ethnographic Fieldnotes (2nd ed., 2011). With methodological issues in the back of my mind, I also embark on an exciting new blog-ethnography.

I use my blog to publish short and preliminary thoughts on fieldwork. The instant and public availability of those posts generate new online conversations with people that encounter me first as a blogger. Consider my post on the Lidoriki Pillbox two weeks ago. This and other posts on the archaeology of Lidoriki have made me a frequent click on folks Googling Lidoriki history. Along with Facebook's social network, the word gets out to people that have information they want to share with me. After contacting each other by email, I interview those informers by phone or Skype.

Just this last week, I have come into contact with two wonderful individuals of the Lidoriki diaspora. One lives in Chicago, the other lives in Denmark. Over two short preliminary conversations, I have collected raw material that would not be available to me in the site of Lidoriki. For instance, I learned that the pillbox was not built during World War II but during the Civil War. "There were dozens of these bunkers in the village that were torn down. This one was in private property. It was in someone's field and continued to be used for chickens and goats after the war for 30-40 years. The others were in public space and were torn down. People took the material and reused it." Now this information about a village in Greece, was collected by me on a telephone in Philadelphia, from someone on a cellphone while riding a bus in Copenhagen. 

Social immersion and access to "thick descriptions" is the ethnographer's goal. This cannot be the case with the archaeologist, who must spend his limited resources in silence documenting buildings, walls, objects, landscapes. Globalization has thrown a wrench into the ideals of anthropological fieldwork. The difficulty of the anthropologist's immersion into social groups who are themselves in motion is most evident in refugee fieldwork, see Gregory Feldman "nonlocal ethnography," in Migration Apparatus (Stanford, 2012, pp. 180-198). Equally interesting is Dan Miller's new project on the anthropology of Global Social Media.

I am still torn between the tensions of material versus oral culture. The tension is becoming more vivid as I delve deeper into the archaeology of diaspora and the archaeology of refugee camps. I am envious of more theoretically-minded archaeologists, who have done a more complete turn towards ethnography. But they have sacrificed material documentation. Surveying publications over the archaeology of the contemporary world, one is struck by the great volume of theorizing and experiential describing versus a shortage of data. Although I must sharpen my ethnographic skills, I can make greater contributions in mapping or spatial documentation. I guess, my ethnography is subservient to my spatial documentation. And it's important to understand that shortcoming. Yet the question remains. What will I do with all these hours of interviews and transcriptions?


Friday, October 28, 2016

Wool and Rubble Walls: Domestic Archaeology in the Medieval Peloponnese

Back in March 26, 2015, I participated in a conference on Byzantine textiles at Dumbarton Oaks, "Liminal Fabrics: Furnishing Textiles in Byzantium and Early Islam." I made the argument that piles of rubble walls and ceramics from archaeological survey tell a much better story about medieval textiles (through production) than the few surviving pieces in museum collections (through artistic analysis). 

I have just finished writing up the essay and submitted it for review in the conference publication, edited by Gudrun Bühl, director of the Dumbarton Oaks Museum. I celebrate International Open Access Week by posting my draft.

This is the first paper that I have written entirely on iCloud's Pages, integrating laptop, tablet, and smart phone in one process. The paper was never printed out in hard copy or read as a Word document.

Thursday, October 27, 2016

Archaeologies of Care

I am so thrilled to be part of a panel on "Archaeologies of Care: Rethinking Priorities in Archaeological Engagement" at the annual meetings of the Society of Historical Archaeology in January 2017. The session is organized by Christopher Matthews, whose Archaeology of American Capitalism (2010) was monumental in my research and Richard Rothaus, best known for his work in Greece, Corinth: The First City in Greece (2000), CRM in Minnesota, North Dakota, Turkey, and (while wearing a suit) Vice Chancellor for Academic and Student Affairs at the North Dakota University system. We established that Richard coined "archaeologies of care" live on a Caraheard podcast.

The panel includes papers on New York City homelessness (Singleton), oil worker housing in the Bakken (Weber, Caraher, Rothaus), native and African American archaeology in Long Island (Matthews), competing archaeological priorities in the Navajo Nation (Thompson), African American archaeology in central New Jersey (Burton, Markert, Weston), World War II Japanese internment camps in Colorado (Clark) and Arizona (Ozawa), segregation of African-Americans in swimming pools, beaches, and rivers (Mullins, Yimaunu), and the refugee settlements in Greece  (Kourelis). The full program with abstracts here. I especially like the quote in the session abstract, "Writing against the presumption that archaeologists will be defenders of ancient sites destroyed by ISIS militants, some have voiced alternative possibilities for who and what archaeologist are in these settings."

I only wish I could see the sessions on migrant archaeology at the American Association of Anthropology meetings (Minneapolis, Nov. 15-20) organized by Yannis Hamilakis and Jason de Leon.

SYM-009: Archaeologies Of Care: Rethinking Priorities In Archaeological Engagements
Thursday, 05/Jan/2017:

1:30pm - 4:15pm

Session Chair: Richard Rothaus
Session Chair: Christopher N Matthews
Discussant: Carol McDavid
Location: Texas Ballroom D

Session Abstract
Inspired by recent thinking about the role of archaeology in war torn Syria and the ongoing refugee crisis, this session brings together two threads of interest regarding archaeology and archaeologists. Writing against the presumption that archaeologists will be defenders of ancient sites destroyed by ISIS militants, some have voiced alternative possibilities for who and what archaeologist are in these settings. For one, archaeologists are literally boots on the ground working with local people, which leads them to care, or to take seriously the everyday lives of these individuals and communities. Second, this engagement leads to prioritizing the documentation of displaced people over the preservation of sites, since it can very well be our colleagues being displaced. Moreover, we recognize that displacement creates its own elusive materiality that can only be recorded in the moment and by those familiar with the settings and social contexts that forced the decision to leave.

1:30pm - 1:45pm
A Sympathetic Connection: The role of sympathy in an archaeology of contemporary homelessness
Courtney Singleton
Columbia University, United States of America;
Sympathy is a sentiment that involves the recognition of self in another on the grounds of similitude. For archaeologists sympathy is an important concept as it is materially based and allows for communication across various boundaries of difference. Most scholars tend to focus on the body and embodied experience as the grounds for sympathetic connection. However, archaeologists can evoke sympathy in the marked absence of bodies in order to connect across spatial, temporal, and social boundaries through particular objects within particular contexts. This paper will explore sympathy in the context of contemporary homeless encampments in the United States, focusing particularly on an archaeological site in New York City. It is argued that the object of home becomes the sympathetic grounds upon which an archaeology of care connects to larger political issues surrounding displacement and poverty.

1:45pm - 2:00pm
An Archaeology of Care in the Bakken Oil Patch (North Dakota, USA)
Richard Rothaus1, William Caraher2, Bret Weber2
1North Dakota University System, United States of America; 2University of North Dakota, United States of America;
The University of North Dakota Man Camp Project has used archaeology to engage seriously the issues of workforce housing and industrial landscapes in the Bakken. Our work proceeds with a focus not on the ebullience (or catastrophe) of the Bakken, but rather on the material culture of housing in a dynamic extractive landscape. We do not advocate, nor do we analyze or make policy recommendations. Our work in the field epitomizes, however, an archaeology of care for the communities in which we work. Our conversations in the field, attention to detail, and willingness to take seriously the everyday life of individuals and communities create a connection between the wider world (which we represent, oddly enough) and their very personal experience. Our recognition of, and interest in, the agency of individuals buffered by incomprehensibly large forces has value for the academic and non-academic communities.

2:00pm - 2:15pm
Caring Forthe Future With Archaeology
Christopher N Matthews
Montclair State Univeristy, United States of America;
Historical archaeology is a useful method for discovering silenced and hidden pasts that force reconsideration of how the present came to be and at what and who’s expense. This impulse regularly generates deeper appreciations for the power of the past in and over the present. Yet, archaeologists less often move their results forward to engage with the futures that contemporary people, such as descendant and local communities, can make with new archaeological knowledge. This is surprising since a critical study of the past that provides ownership of it to marginal people and groups inherently and simultaneously calls for consideration of who the owns the futures that will be built on such new pasts. Drawing from my research with a descendent nonwhite community in Setauket, New York, I explore the intersection of past and future in the way historical archaeological research has been imagined and practiced.

2:15pm - 2:30pm
Everyday Archaeology on the Navajo Nation
Kerry F. Thompson
Northern Arizona University, United States of America;
The role of archaeology in facilitating everyday life on the Navajo Nation is a day-to-day concern for many Navajo Nation citizens. Citizens and communities of the Navajo Nation and the nation itself engage with archaeology in three ways. Individual citizens require archaeology to secure the necessary permission to build a home on reservation land. For Navajo communities, archaeology is part and parcel with infrastructure and land use planning and development. At the government level archaeology is required for water and land claims litigation, NAGPRA claims, and TCP identification and protection. The traditional disciplinary goals of site preservation, data collection, and furthering knowledge of the past are secondary to these three more immediate needs of the Navajo people. Academics and CRM professionals who fail to recognize these three necessary engagements that Navajo people have with archaeology run the risk of further alienating the people they seek to engage in archaeological research.

2:30pm - 3:00pm
15min presentation + 15min break
Expanding the Dialogue: A Conversation Between Descendent and Archaeologist about Community, Collaboration, and Archaeology at Timbuctoo, NJ
Christopher P. Barton1, Patricia G. Markert2, Guy Weston3
1University of Memphis, United States of America; 2Binghamton University, United States of America;3Timbuctoo Discovery Project, United States of America;
Meaning is not monolithic. Presented here are different narratives on the interests of archaeologists and descendants. Focus is given to the African American community of Timbuctoo. This project, like many other attempts at community archaeology is not a story of unabated triumphs: rather, these narratives are about the challenges that can emerge through collaboration. This is not meant to demean collaborative archaeology, rather it is to underscore that through pragmatic discourse we can uncover an array of meanings for different groups. It is our belief that collaborative archaeology represents the future of archaeological practice.
Central to this future is that there is no template on how to conduct community archaeology. The most fruitful projects have only reached success through years of trial-and-error. Our work at Timbuctoo has been no different. We argue that community archaeology is not just an goal: it is a process, and must be treated as such.

3:00pm - 3:15pm
Passionate Work: Communities of Care and the DU Amache Project
Bonnie J. Clark
University of Denver, United States of America;
Working at Amache, the site of a WWII era Japanese American incarceration camp, involves several facets of an “archeology of care.” First, over five field seasons the University of Denver Amache Project has revealed significant physical evidence of how these displaced people took care of themselves, their families, and their neighbors. Both artifacts and landscape modification speak to many caretaking strategies. Second, the project creates space for the care of stakeholders through opening up the practice of archaeology. This happens through project structure, with High School internships volunteer programs, and an open house day for people with a personal or family tie to the camp. Finally, the work at Amache is geared to caring for a publically accessible site in a way that is sensitive to many communities of concern. By caring for the site and associated museum, we care for multiple heritages.

3:15pm - 3:30pm
Race and the water: the materiality of swimming, sewers and segregation in African America
Paul Mullins1, Timo Ylimaunu2
1IUPUI Dept. of Anthropology, United States of America; 2University of Oulu;
Few dimensions of the color line were monitored as closely as access to American rivers, beaches, and swimming pools, which became strictly segregated in the early 20th century. This paper examines the heritage of color line inequalities in Indianapolis, Indiana's waters, where beaches were segregated, African Americans were restricted to a single city pool, and waterways in African-American neighborhoods still accommodate sewer overflows. Despite that history, a new wave of urbanites is now settling in formerly African-American neighborhoods, displacing historically African-American communities,and reclaiming the waterways without any recognition of the link between race and the water.

3:30pm - 3:45pm
The Archaeology of Refugee Crises in Greece: Diachronic Cultural Landscapes
Kostis Kourelis
Franklin and Marshall College, United States of America;
The escalation of the Syrian Civil War caused a refugee crisis in Greece as thousands of people crossed the Aegean, leading to tragic loss of life. When Balkan neighbors closed their borders in 2016, some 50,000 migrants and refugees were trapped in Greece. The country responded by a dispersing this population throughout the country in new camps over abandoned sites like army camps, tourist resorts, commercial spaces, gymnasia, fair grounds, and even archaeological sites. Using lessons from the archaeology of the contemporary world, we apply remote sensing, media analysis, and limited field observation to document camps in real time and to address ephemeral urbanism. Refugee camps have been a permanent reality in Greece for a century. The paper also considers camps from the 1912-14 Balkan Wars, the 1922 Asia Minor Catastrophe, World War II, and the Greek Civil War and outlines a comparative archaeology of crisis.

3:45pm - 4:00pm
The Gila River Japanese American Incarceration Camp: Thinking With The Past
Koji H. Ozawa
Stanford University, United States of America;
Recent research on the World War II Japanese American Incarceration Camp at Gila River has provided both depth of knowledge to the subject and a forum for community engagement. Archaeology in particular has brought to light the diversity of experiences and the specific physical conditions of this displacement and confinement. Through a thorough examination of the context and materials of the Japanese American Incarceration, archaeological investigation can further our understanding of the effects of the camps on the individuals and the wider community. This paper seeks to show how the theoretical and methodological approaches to this subject can aid in our understanding of displaced peoples in the present. Today, the number of people displaced by conflict or persecution worldwide has risen to over 65 million, the highest number since WWII. Archaeologists are uniquely positioned to engage with these displaced communities, and to bear testimony.

4:00pm - 4:15pm
Carol McDavid
Community Archaeology Research Institute, Inc., United States of America;

Thursday, October 20, 2016

Velouchovo Cave

In 2014, the Lidoriki Project concentrated on the survey of the acropolis of Ancient Kallion which housed the medieval fortified settlement of Velouchovo. The site was surveyed by Petros Themelis in the 1970s during the salvage excavations of the Mornos Reservoir, which ultimately submerged the modern village. In the 1980s, the Dutch Aetolian survey carried out a pedestrian surface survey (Bommeljé et al. 1987) and Joanita Vroom published the definitive study of the medieval occupation, where she identified Velouchovo as the medieval location of Lidoriki (Vroom 1993). Our job in 2014 was to create a detailed architectural study of the medieval kastro with aerial photogrammetry and measured survey. We produced a high resolution 3D-model of the site, seen above (Brenningmeyer, Kourelis and Katsaros 2015).

Although we did not conduct an artifact survey (as the Dutch had done in 1988-1991), we made close topographical studies. On the southwest slopes of the citadel, we identified the mouth of a cave. And right in front of the cave, we found two bullet casings. The initials "SMI" belong to Societa Metallurgica Italiana, the ammunitions company that armed Mussolini's invasion and occupation of Greece. After the Italian surrender in September 1943, the Greek partisans acquired a large number of weapons from the retreating Italians. This assemblage might, therefore, be interpreted as a site of partisan resistance. I would not want to make too many conclusions, but it helps us reconstruct the modern topography of the region. 

We photographed the two Italian bullets on graph paper (1/4 in grid).

Not far from the cave of Velouchovo, the British soldiers Chris Woodhouse and Eddy Myers were parachuted on September 28, 1942 to join the resistance. One of the caves in which they lived (near village Stromi) is now a national monument to the Greek resistance, commemorated every summer on July 6. 

Myers give detailed descriptions of the material culture of their precarious camps from the "wigwams," shelters built out of broken fir branches to the caves that were regularly used to store supplies and ammunition. Myers describes two caves.

"We had spent the previous night in pouring rain, huddled inside our parachute-rigged tent. We had the greatest difficulty in keeping this improvised structure intact, and one of it was blown away. The parachutes were poor protection against the rain, which soon seeped through and dripped on us whenever we were lying. We decided therefore to move into the cave and make it not only our store but or home as well. It was a funny home. I felt just like an animal wriggling my way in and out of it. But once inside, it was comparatively comfortable, even though it was poorly lit by the narrow beam of light which came through its tortuous entrance." (Myers 1955, p. 44).

"Our new cave had a wide entrance which let in plenty of daylight. It was far more congenial than the dark cavern-like one of the high stony plateau of Prophet Elias. Nearly an hour's climb from Stromi it was situated on a wooded mountain-side at the foot of a rocky escarpment about fifty feet high. It opened on the small patch of ground, around which closely packed fir trees obscured it from the opposite side of the valley. (Myers 1955, p. 49)

Caves need not be associated strictly with partisan activity. As in many mountainous regions in Greece, caves served the first line of shelter at times of danger. We know from our interviews at Lidoriki that during the burning of the village by the Nazis, the entire population withdrew to caves as far as 13 miles away. A more famous retreat into caves is found in the narratives of Nicholas Cage's Eleni (1985).

Although there is plenty of narratives on the German Occupation and the Civil War in Greece, there is little archaeology. One is hard-pressed to find a systematic or intentional fieldwork on war sites from the Greek War of Independence to the present.  A couple of new publications suggest the blossoming of a new discipline. I am grateful to a circle of socially active archaeologists for sharing exciting new work coming out of Greece. Here are four projects.

1.    In the field of pedestrian survey archaeology, the Antikythera Survey Project discusses a military assemblage found on the coast of the island (Bevan and Connely 2013, p. 78, and fig. 17). 

2.    Demetris Papadopoulos has surveyed the territories in Greece's northern border, the Prespa lake region land (Papadopoulos 2010, 2016)

3.    Although not a field project, Susan Hueck Allen has been mining US government archives for topographical, photographic, and personal information about the American involvement during the resistance. Allen presented her new research at the 2015 MGSA symposium (Allen 2015).

4.   Agni Karademou and Michalis Kontos have been conducting research in caves used by the Greek resistance in Macedonia. They presented their finds in the 2016 Architectural Dialogues conference in Lesvos (Karademou and Kontos 2016).

My sense is that the the archaeology of the contemporary world has caught up in Greece. There are many more studies about memory, historiography, and the intentional suppression of materiality. Yannis Hamilakis's essay on Makronissos opened up a new chapter on the study of Greek national memory a little over a decade ago (Hamilakis 2002). As an archaeological community, we must take up Hamilakis's challenge and see how much we can push the material documentation of this new socially-engaged practice. I feel that some day (maybe not yet) Makronissos might become the subject of an archaeological survey. 


Allen, Susan Hueck. 2015. "Like Pulling Teeth with EAM," 24th Modern Greek Studies Association Symposium, Atlanta (Oct. 16, 2015)

Bevan, Andrew and James Connolly. 2013. Mediterranean Islands, Fragile Communities and Persistent Landscapes: Antikythera in Long-Term Perspective, Cambridge.

Bommeljé, S. et al. 1987. Aetolia and the Aetolians: Towards the Interdisciplinary Study of a Greek Region, Utrecht

Brenningmeyer, Todd, Kostis Kourelis and Miltiadis Katsaros. 2015. “The Lidoriki Project - Low Altitude Aerial Photography, GIS, and Traditional Survey in Rural Greece,” in CAA 2015: Keep the Revolution Going. Proceedings of the 43rd Annual Conference on Computer Applications and Quantitative Methods in Archaeology, ed. Stefano Campana, Roberto Scopigno, Gabriella Carpentiero, and Marianna Cirillo, pp. 979-988, Oxford.

Cage, Nicholas. 1985. Eleni, New York.

Hamilakis, Yannis. 2002. “The Other ‘Parthenon’: Antiquity and National Memory at Makronissos,” Journal of Modern Greek Studies 20:2, pp. 307-338.

Karademou, Agni and Michalis Kontos. 2016. “Αρχαιολογία του Ελληνικού Εμφυλίου Πόλεμου: η περίπτωση των σπηλαίων της Δυτικής Μακεδονίας,” Σύνορα/Όρια. Αρχαιολογικοί Διάλογοι 2016, Mytilene (April 15, 2016).

Myers, E. C. W. 1955. Greek Entanglement, London.

Papadopoulos, Dimitris C. 2010. “Σχηματίζοντας τη λίμνη: Εμπειρία και διαμεσολάβηση του τοπίου στις Πρέσπες,” PhD diss University of the Aegean, Mytilini.

Papadopoulos, Dimitris C. 2016. “Ecologies of Ruin: (Re)bordering, Ruination, and Internal Colonialism in Greek Macedonia, 1913-2013,” International Journal of Historical Archaeology 20, pp. 627-640.

Vroom, Joanita. 1993. “The Kastro of Veloukhovo (Kallion): A Note on the Surface Finds,” Pharos 1, pp. 113-138.

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Kostis Kourelis

Philadelphia, PA, United States